By Adebola Isimijola
Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has committed $1.2 million to a Washington-based lobbying firm to advance his political and policy interests among United States policymakers ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general election.
The 12-month agreement with Von Batten-Montague-York, L.C., founded by Dr Karl Von Batten, was registered with the United States Department of Justice under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) on April 1, 2026.
Documents filed with the US government show that the agreement became effective on February 20, 2026, and was signed by Von Batten on March 9 and Atiku on March 10.
Under the agreement, Atiku is the firm’s foreign principal and will pay $1.2 million in professional fees over 12 months, in six instalments. Certain pre-approved expenses are to be reimbursed separately.
The contract describes the engagement as government-affairs representation and strategic advisory services, covering political and national-security developments in the US, policy positioning, reputation management, congressional outreach and engagement with executive-branch officials.
The firm is also mandated to develop US-facing policy messaging, prepare briefing materials, identify members of Congress and congressional staff for engagement, and facilitate meetings between Atiku and relevant American policymakers.
The filing expressly categorises the firm’s activities on Atiku’s behalf as political activities under FARA.
What Atiku is paying for
The contract provides a detailed picture of what the former vice-president’s Washington operation is designed to accomplish.
Among the stated objectives are advancing understanding within US policymaking institutions of Atiku’s leadership posture and policy vision, strengthening his reputation in Washington and counterbalancing what the agreement describes as incumbent-government lobbying narratives through lawful engagement.
The firm is also expected to establish structured relationships with relevant US agencies and congressional offices.
The agreement provides for strategic advice to Atiku on US political and national-security developments, preparation of briefing materials and targeted outreach to members of Congress, congressional staff and executive-branch officials.
It also provides for the development of messaging and narrative strategies and preparation for a possible meeting between Atiku and senior US executive-branch leadership.
The arrangement therefore goes beyond conventional public relations.
It places a professional Washington lobbying operation at the centre of Atiku’s efforts to engage American political and policy circles.
There is, however, no indication in the FARA documents that the US government has endorsed Atiku’s political positions or that the engagement guarantees any policy outcome.
Rather, the filing provides public disclosure of the relationship and the activities the firm has been retained to undertake on behalf of its foreign principal.
Who is Karl Von Batten?
The man leading the operation, Karl Von Batten, has spent years working within Washington’s political and policy environment.
US government records identify him as Dr Karl-Marx Edward Okeke-von Batten III, born in 1976, with United States nationality and present citizenship. A 2026 FARA filing lists his occupation as policy adviser and his position at Von Batten-Montague-York as founder.
Earlier FARA records also identify him by the same name and document his involvement in foreign-principal lobbying activities.
The Republican Party of the District of Columbia describes Von Batten as a senior government adviser whose work has included federal and global healthcare policy and human rights.
The party says he has advised and worked with the US Congress and federal departments and has advised visiting foreign ministers and heads of state on public-policy and healthcare matters.
His Washington political involvement is also documented.
He was nominated in 2018 by then-Mayor Muriel Bowser to serve on the District of Columbia’s Statewide Health Coordinating Council, with the appointment confirmed by the D.C. Council.
D.C. election records also show that he contested a Ward 3 Republican Committee position in 2022, while the Republican Party of the District of Columbia currently identifies him as its Ward 3 chair.
His political background is significant because the individual representing Atiku in Washington is not simply a private consultant with government contacts. He has also participated directly in Washington’s partisan political structure.
His African policy experience
Von Batten-Montague-York’s work involving African policy issues predates its relationship with Atiku.
US records show that the firm undertook policy work involving Somalia.
In 2022, the firm entered an agreement with Somalia’s embassy in Washington concerning advocacy around the country’s eligibility for the African Growth and Opportunity Act, AGOA.
The engagement involved working with the Biden administration and Congress on the issue.
The firm later told US trade authorities that it had also been engaged by Somalia’s House of the People to advise and represent the lower house in the United States.
Von Batten was subsequently listed as a participant in a US Trade Representative hearing relating to AGOA eligibility.
FARA records also show other foreign-principal relationships involving African interests.
The history provides context for the Washington policy network that Von Batten-Montague-York brings to its engagement with Atiku.
Atiku’s political message reaches Washington
Following the commencement of the Atiku engagement, Von Batten and his firm became increasingly vocal on Nigerian political affairs.
In April 2026, the firm publicised discussions involving representatives of Atiku and senior staff of the US House Democratic Caucus concerning what it described as concerns over electoral integrity in Nigeria.
The firm subsequently criticised the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu over alleged political intimidation and democratic concerns and said it was engaging US authorities.
It also warned that continuing concerns about insecurity and electoral integrity could result in pressure for sanctions.
The statements were made by Von Batten’s firm and should not be presented as official findings or positions of the US government.
The distinction is important because the FARA filing establishes the firm’s contractual relationship with Atiku and its mandate to advocate on his behalf; it does not establish that American policymakers have adopted the positions being advanced by the firm.
The Tinubu forfeiture documents
The firm’s Nigerian advocacy later moved into another politically sensitive area involving President Tinubu.
In July, Von Batten-Montague-York said it had begun sharing US Department of Justice records relating to a 1993 civil forfeiture proceeding involving funds connected to Tinubu with members of the Trump administration, Congress and congressional staff.
The firm said the documents related to a historical US investigation and were being presented to American policymakers.
The development revived political debate in Nigeria over the long-running issue.
However, the existence of a civil forfeiture proceeding or a court record does not, by itself, establish criminal wrongdoing by the person named in the records.
That distinction is particularly important when historical documents are being introduced into an ongoing political contest.
What is established is that Von Batten’s firm said it was taking the documents to American policymakers as part of its broader engagement in Nigerian political affairs.
The PFIPC controversy
Von Batten also became involved in the controversy surrounding the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, PFIPC.
The controversy followed the emergence of Adeniyi Adeyemi, who presented himself as the council’s Director-General and made allegations involving senior Nigerian government officials.
The Presidency subsequently distanced itself from the organisation and described it as fictitious.
Against that backdrop, Von Batten said his firm was prepared to assist Adeyemi in seeking asylum and whistleblower protection in the United States.
He said he believed Adeyemi’s allegations warranted investigation by US authorities and indicated that members of Congress and other American institutions could be approached.
Adeyemi’s allegations remain disputed and have not been independently established.
The intervention nonetheless demonstrated the extent to which Von Batten’s activities had expanded into contentious Nigerian political issues beyond the immediate terms of the public debate over Atiku’s campaign.
The name question
Von Batten’s identity has also generated considerable interest in Nigeria.
Online reports have circulated a much longer name, Karl-Marx Edward Ikemefuna William George Okeke-Von Batten.
But the strongest primary documentation currently available is the US government’s FARA records, which identify him as Dr Karl-Marx Edward Okeke-von Batten III.
The records also establish his US nationality and citizenship.
Claims about his precise birthplace, family history or an alleged name change should not be presented as established facts without additional primary documentation.
What can be established from the government filings is that the professional figure known as Karl Von Batten is identified in FARA records by the longer Karl-Marx Edward Okeke-von Batten III name.
A Republican in Washington representing a Nigerian opposition figure
Von Batten’s involvement in American partisan politics adds another layer to the story.
His documented participation in the Republican Party of the District of Columbia places him within Washington’s political structure, while his private firm undertakes government-affairs work for foreign principals.
That combination does not, in itself, make the Atiku engagement improper.
Lobbying and government-affairs representation are legal activities in the United States when conducted in accordance with applicable laws, while FARA provides public disclosure of certain relationships involving foreign principals.
But his political and professional background helps explain the value of a Washington-based operator with experience navigating American institutions to a Nigerian political figure seeking to influence policy discussions in the United States.
A seat on the US-Africa policy table
Von Batten’s US-Africa policy profile also extends beyond his private lobbying business.
In February 2026, the US Export-Import Bank listed him as a member of its 2026–2027 Sub-Saharan Africa Advisory Committee.
The committee brings together individuals with experience in US-Africa business and policy matters and provides advice to the export credit agency on issues relating to the region.
The appointment gives Von Batten another institutional connection to US-Africa policy at a time when his Nigerian political activities are becoming increasingly prominent.
Why the Washington operation matters
Atiku’s $1.2 million engagement illustrates the growing international dimension of Nigerian politics ahead of 2027.
Political influence is no longer pursued only through rallies, campaign organisations, traditional media and social media.
Washington is also an arena where Nigerian political actors can seek to shape perceptions of Nigeria, engage policymakers and present their positions on democracy, security, elections and governance.
The FARA documents do not show that Atiku has bought US government support.
They do not establish that Washington has accepted his political narrative.
They do, however, establish that he has committed substantial resources to a professional lobbying operation whose mandate includes congressional outreach, executive-branch engagement, strategic advice, policy messaging and reputational positioning.
The agreement provides for six payments: three instalments of $300,000 and three of $100,000, with approved expenses reimbursable separately.
Either party may terminate the agreement with 30 days’ written notice, although fees already earned or accrued remain payable.
For Nigeria’s 2027 political contest, the significance of the arrangement may therefore extend beyond the $1.2 million price tag.
It offers a window into how political campaigns are increasingly being internationalised—and how Washington’s lobbying industry is becoming part of the contest for influence over how Nigeria’s political affairs are understood abroad.
Ultimately, Nigerians will determine the country’s political leadership through the electoral process.
But as 2027 approaches, the campaign for influence is already being fought on another front—and one of its most visible arenas is Washington.
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